Monday, November 22, 2010

Mann/Maan Clan, Punjab

  • Paul
  • Maan or Mann ਮਾਨ are a clan and tribe of the Jat people found in Rajasthan, Haryana, Punjab and Uttar Pradesh in India.


    Origin and history
    Maan Jatts claim Suryavanshi descent. Maan are one of the three asl (pure) Jatt gotras, the other two being Bhullar and Hayer (Heir). Maans are related to the Bhullar. Maan and Bhullar two brothers named their Jat Clans. The Jatts a people (IAST: Jāṭ, Hindi: जाट, Punjabi: ਜੱਟ جاٹ, Urdu: جاٹ) of Northern India and Pakistan, are a ethnic group descendants of Indo-Scythian tribes. There are 31 million Jatts in South Asia. The original home of the Jats was in Central Asia near the country we now call Kazakstan. During the early part of the Christian era, most of the Jats were uprooted by the Mongol people from their homeland in Central Asia, after ruling there for over one thousand years. In turn Jats split into 2 groups one invaded India to the South and other invaded the Roman Empire in the West. Thus, they established themselves as the Alans in France, Spain, Portugal and so on, in the fifth century A.D. The Jat people ethnic group which live in Northern India and Pakistan regions, have many different types of religions, professions and languages. They have a distinct cultural history that can be historically traced back to ancient times. Some have moved to Western countries for business and commercial reasons. There some have become prominent sections of the immigrant peoples in the West. The Jats were designated in a British report as a Martial Race. 'Martial Race' was a designation created by officials of British India to describe "races" (peoples) that were thought to possess qualities such as courage, loyalty, self sufficiency, physical strength, resilience, orderliness, hard working, fighting tenacity and military tactics. The British recruited heavily from these so-called 'Martial Races' for service in the colonial army Another finding: The Mann tribe of Jat is quite interesting. This is a Shiv-gotra or according to Hindus are descended from Shiva’s hair? We all know this is not the case. Mann Jats are found throughout Punjab and we all know of the English and German Manns. Moreover, the Mann last name is quite frequent in the modern Ukraine! Thus this may also be the case of Gills that the Manns may well be part of Late Massagetae or Alans! These people were also known as Saka Triguada or Pointed hat Scythians! Or even part of Goths, a partly Scythic partly Germanic (Teutonic) people.


    Mann/Maan (Jats)is a common last name in Germany and are considered Ariens. According to one theory, about one thousand five hundred years ago, a group of these people came from Ghazni and settled at place called Balavansa near Delhi. The Maan clan descended from Maas Singh. His son, Bijal Singh came to the village of Dhosi and settled there. Dhosi is surrounded by hills and situated near Narnaul in Haryana. Prior to the arrival of the Maans, the Jats of the Gandas gotra were the rulers of Dhosi. Roopram Singh became the chieftain of the clan twenty generations after Bijal Singh. At this time, the Shekhawats had occupied the region. Roopram Singh refused to accept their suzerainity and struggled for about ten to twelve years during the mid nineteenth century against the Shekhawats of Khetri.

    Some Jats of the Mann gotras write Maan and some write Mann. Now a days there are many singers in Punjab with last name of Mann like Babu Mann, Harbhan Mann and Gurdas Mann. Maan's/Mann's beloged to the Majha belt of Punjab and mostly around Amritsar. "Maana Wala" along with neighbouring villages like "Mohawa" are the main villages of Mann's/Maan's in District Amritsar.

    Many Mann Jatt families are also based in parts of Haryana and western Uttar Pradesh (mainly Muzaffarnagar, Meerut and Saharanpur districts). Most of these families are engaged in farming and are one of the most affluent families in the region.

    Maan Jatts also Known as Mann, are offspring of a "warrior race". They are also mentioned in Sikh history as great warriors.They were the best warriors around that time.

    Most Maan Jatts are Sikhs.

    over a year ago
  • Loveleen
    thanx for helping me in tracing my roots of the 'Mann' clan......proud to be a 'Mann'...
    over a year ago
  • Aman
    ppl visit www.mannawala.blogspot.co if u belong to Mann family of Village Mannawala disst Sheilhupura
    over a year ago


Sunday, November 21, 2010

Middle East Kingdoms

Massagetae / Massagetes
The River Syr Darya flows into the Aral Sea from the Tian Shan Mountains (a western part of the Himalayan mountain chain). Its name in the Persian-dominated second half of the first millennium BC was Yakhsha Arta, which referenced its 'great pearly' waters. The Greeks transcribed this as Axartes, or Yaxartes. Today the river flows through Kazakhstan, to the north of the border of Uzbekistan.
North and east of the river, the tribe of the Massagetae was one of many tribal groups in the region. Assumed to be an Iranian people, they were thought by the ancients to be related to the Scythian peoples who also occupied the territory between the Aral and Caspian Seas. They are known mainly due to the writings of Herodotus, who described them as living off their herds and a plentiful supply of fish from the Yaxartes. They were neighboured by the Aspisi to the north, Scythians and the Dahae to the west, and the Wusun to the east. Khorasan (Sogdia) lay to the south.
c.546 - 540 BC
At some point in his eastern campaigns, it seems that Persian king, Cyrus the Great, adds the eastern regions of Arachosia, Bactria, Drangiana, Khorasan, and Margiana to the empire, although records for these campaigns are characteristically sparse.
fl c.530 BC      Tahm-Rayiš / Tomyris Queen. Her name is Iranian with the   Greek form also shown.

530 BC

The end of Cyrus the Great's reign is spent in military activity in Central Asia where, according to Herodotus, he dies in battle in 530 BC. Advancing across the Axartes to fight Tomyris' forces, he defeats part of the Massagetae army in a sneak attack. He also captures the queen's son, Spargapises, who commits suicide. The queen's remaining forces promptly destroy Cyrus' army and kill the Persian king.

330 BC

Alexander the Great's Greek empire conquers the Persian empire. In two years of further campaigning in the east of the empire, the Axartes comes to form its north-eastern border, leaving the region beyond it independent. There are no further records mentioning the Massagetae, but the fourth century AD Roman writer Ammianus Marcellinus considers the later Alans to be their direct descendants. Modern Indian scholars also consider the Jats of the Punjab to be directly related to them.





http://www.historyfiles.co.uk/KingListsFarEast/AsiaMassagetae.htm

Friday, November 19, 2010

Kurds

About the Kurds

[Kurdistan]

The 25 million Kurds are the largest ethnicity in the world without a state of its own. Promised - but never granted- their own country after WWI, Kurds now live in parts of Turkey, Syria, Iraq, Iran, Armenia and Azerbaijan. They are almost universally despised for asserting their identity. The government of Turkey spends US$6 billion a year fighting its Kurdish separatists. Saddam Hussein's Iraq has tried to wipe out its four million Kurds altogether: Some 300,000 Kurdish civilians "disappeared" between 1983 and 1987. Then Iraq launched a religious war against them (complete with chemical weapons), razing 4,000 villages and killing another 100,000 Kurds. Many of those who survived are now starving, thanks to the UN's embargo against Iraq.
Language
[Kurdish Fashion]
In Iran Kurds are not allowed to use their Kurdish names. In Turkey, speaking Kurdish even in private was a crime until 1991. Turkey continues to deny that Kurds have a separate ethnic identity - the official storey is that Kurds are Turks who got lost in the mountains and forgot they were Turkish.

Fashion

Most men wear baggy trousers with matching jackets. Women wear long dresses over trousers, and jackets. The traditional Kurdish shoe is called a klash
[Kurdish Show]
Pop Culture
Kurdish music is central to daily life. Almost every human activity has its song, played on flutes, drums and the ut-ut (a kind of guitar). Sivan Perwar, the star of Kurdish pop, sells millions of tapes throughout former Kurdistan and abroad. Exiled from Turkey, Sivan now lives in Sweden. In 1980's Iraq, possession of his tapes could get you arrested. They're still banned in Turkey. (Text from Colors Magazine and Image by Ed Kashi/JB Pictures/Rapha)
Land and Ecology
The vast Kurdish homeland of about 230,000 square miles is about the areas of Germany and Britain combined, or roughly equal to France or Texas. Kurdistan consists basically of the mountainous areas of the central and northern Zagros, the eastern one-third of the Taurus and Pontus, and the northern half of the Amanus ranges. The symbiosis between the Kurds and their mountains has been so strong that they have become synonymous: Kurds home ends where the mountains end. Kurds as a distinct people have survived only when living in the mountains. The highest points in the land now are respectively Mt. Alvand of southern Kurdistan in Iran at 11,745 feet, Mt. Halgurd in central Kurdistan in Iraq at 12,249 feet, Mt. Munzur at 12,600 feet in western Kurdistan and Mt. Ararat at 16,946 feet in northern Kurdistan, both in Turkey.
There are also two large Kurdish enclaves in central and north central Anatolia in Turkey and in the province of Khurasan in northeast Iran.The mean annual precipitation is 60-80 inches per year in the central regions and 20-40 inches on the descent to the lower elevations. Most precipitation is in form of snow, which can fall for six months of the year, becoming the resource for many great rivers, such as the Tigris and the Euphrates in an otherwise arid Middle East. The overall mean annual temperature is 55-65 degrees Fahrenheit, getting cooler as one ascends the central massifs.
[Kurdish Boy]
The land, once almost totally forested, has been massively cleared, especially in this century, with inevitable soil erosion and parched landscape. Contrary to the heavy damage sustained by the woodlands, the pasture lands remain in reasonably good condition and continue to be a productive to a nomadic herding economy alongside the basic agriculture.

Despite its mountainous nature, Kurdistan has more arable land proportionately than most Middle Eastern countries. Expansive river valleys create a fertile lattice work in Kurdistan. This may well explain the fact that the very invention of agriculture took place primarily in Kurdistan around 12,000 years ago. The revolution accompanied speedy domestication of almost all basic cereals and livestocks in the region(with the notable exception of cows and rice).
Race
Kurds are now predominantly of Mediterranean racial stock, resembling southern Europeans and the Levantines in skin, general coloring and physiology. There is yet a persistent recurrence of two racial substrata: a darker aboriginal Palaeo-Caucasian element, and more localized occurrence of blondism of the Alpine type in the heartland of Kurdistan. The "Aryanization" of the aboriginal Palaeo- Caucasian Kurds, linguistically, culturally and racially, seems to have begun by the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC, with the continuous immigration and settlement of Indio-European-speaking tribes, such as the Hittites, Mitannis, Haigs, Medes, Persian, Scythians and Alans. The process was more or less complete by the beginning of the Christian era, by which time the Kurds had absorbed enough Iranic blood and culture, particularly Median and Alan, to form the basis physical typology and culturalidentity.
Language
Kurds are speakers of Kurdish, a member of the northwestern subdivision of the Iranic branch of the Indo-Europian family of languages, which is akin to Persian, and by extension to other Europian languages. It is fundamentally different from Semetic Arabic and Altaic Turkish. Modern Kurdish divides into two major groups: 1) the Kurmanji group and, 2) the Dimili-Gurani group. These are supplemented by scores of sub-dialects as well. The most popular vernacular is that of Kurmanji(or Kirmancha), spoken by about three-quarters of the Kurds today. Kurmanji divided into North Kurmanji(also called Bahdinani, with around 15 million speakers, primarily in Turkey, Syria, and the former Soviet Union) and South Kurmanji(also called Sorani, with about 6 million speakers, primarily in Iraq and Iran).

To the far north of Kurdistan along Kizil Irmak and Murat rivers in Turkey, Dimili (less accurately but more commonly known as Zaza) dialect is spoken by about 4 million Kurds. There are small pockets 
[Kurdish Home]
of this language spoken in various corners of Anatolia, northern Iraq, northern Iran and the Caucasus as well.

In the far southern Kurdistan, both in Iraq and Iran, the Gurani dialect is spoken by about 3 million Kurds. Gurani along with its two major subdivisions: Laki and Awramani, merit special attention for its wealth of sacred and secular literature stretching over a millennium.
In Iraq and Iran a modified version of the Perso-Arabic alphabet has been adapted to South Kurmani (Sorani). The Kurds of Turkey have recently embarked on an extensive campaign of publication in the North Kurmanji dialect of Kurmaji (Bahdinani) from their publishing houses in Europe. these employed a modified form of the Latin alphabet. The Kurds of the former Soviet Union first began writing Kurdish in the Armenian alphabet in the 1920s, followed by Latin in 1927, then Cyrillic in 1945, and now in both Cyrillic and Latin. Gurani dialects continue to employ the Persian alphabet without any change. Dimili now uses the same modified Latin alphabet as North Kurmanji for print.
Religion
Nearly three fifths of the Kurds, almost all Kurmanji-speakers, are today at least nominally Sunni Muslims of Shafiite rite. There are also some followers of mainstream Shiitem Islam among the Kurds, particularly in and around the cities of Kirmanshah, to Hamadan and Bijar in southern and eastern Kurdistan and the Khurasan. These Shite Kurds number around half a million. The overwhelming majority of Muslim Kurds are followers of one several mystic Sufi orders, most importantly the Bektashi order of the northwest Kurdistan, the Naqshbandi order in the west and north, Qadiri orders of east and central Kurdistan, and Nurbakhshi of the south.
The rest of the Kurds are followers of several indigenous Kurdish faiths of great antiquit and originality, which are variations on and permutation of an ancient religion that can be reasonably but loosely labeled as Yardanism or the "Cult of Angels." The three surviving major divisions of this religion are Yezidism (in west and west-central Kurdistan, ca 2%of all Kurds), Yarsanism or the Ahl-i Haqq (in southern Kurdistan, ca 13% of all Kurds), and Alevism or Kizil Nash (in western Kurdistan and the Khurasan, ca 20%).Minor communities of Kurdish Jews, Christians and Baha'is are found in various croners of Kurdistan. the ancient Jewish community has progressively emigrated to Israel, while the Christian community is merging their identity with that of the Assyrians.
History
Being the native inhabitants of their land there are no "beginnings" for Kurdish history and people. Kurds and their history are the end products of thousands of years of continuous internal evolution and assimilation of new peoples and ideas introduced sporadically into their land. Genetically, Kurds are the descendants of all who ever came to settle in Kurdistan, and not any one of them. A people such as the Guti, Kurti. Mede, Mard, Carduchi, Gordyene, Adianbene, Zila and Khaldi signify not the ancestor of the Kurds but only an ancestor.
Archaeological finds continue to document that some of mankind's earliest steps towards development of agricultural. domestication of many common farm animals(sheep, goats, hogs and dogs). record keeping (the token system), development of domestic technologies (weaving, fired pottery making and glazing), metallurgy and urbanization took place in Kurdistan, dating back between 12,000 and 8.000 years ago.
The earliest evidence so far of a unified and distinct culture (and possibly, ethnicity) by people inhabiting the Kurdish mountains dates back to the Halaf culture of 8,000-7,400 years ago. This was followed by the spread of the Ubaidian culture, which was a foreign introduction from Mesopotamia. After about a millennium, its dominance was replaced by the Hurrian culture, which may or may not have been the Halafian people reasserting their dominance over their mountainous homeland. The Hurrian period lasted from 6,300 to about 2,600 years ago. Much more is known of the Hurrians. They spoke a language of the Northeast Caucasian family of languages (or Alarodian), kin to modern Chechen and Lezgian. The Hurrians spread far and wide, dominating much territory outside their Zagros-Taurus mountain base. Their settlement of was completed-all the way to the Aegean coasts. Like their Kurdish descendents, they however did not expand too far from the mountains. Their intrusions into the neighboring plains of Mesopotamia and the Iranian Plateau, therefore, were primarily military annexations with little population settlement. Their economy was surprisingly integrated and focused, along with their political bonds, mainly running parallel with the Zagros-Taurus mountains, rather than radiating out to the lowlands, as was the case during the preceding (foreign) Ubaid cultural period. The mountain-plain economic exchanges remained secondary in importance, judging by the archaeological remains of goods and their origin.
The Hurrians-whose name survives now most prominently in the dialect and district of Hawraman/Awraman in Kurdistan-divided into many clans and subgroups, who set up city-states, kingdoms and empires known today after their respective clan names. These included the Gutis, Kurti, Khadi, Mards, Mushku, Manna, Hatti, Mittanni, Urartu, and the Kassites, to name just a few. All these were Hurrians, and together form the Hurrian phase of Kurdish history.
By about 4.000 years ago, the first van-guard of the Indo-European-speaking peoples were trickling into Kurdistan in limited numbers and settling there. These formed the aristocracy of the Mittani, Kassite, and Hittite kingdoms, while the common people there remained solidly Hurrian. By about 3,000 years ago, the trickle had turned into a flood, and Hurrian Kurdistan was fast becoming Indo-European Kurdistan. Far from having been wiped out, the Hurrian legacy, despite its linguistic eclipse, remains the single most important element of the Kurdish culture until today. It forms the substructure for every aspects of Kurdish existence, from their native religion to their art, their social organization, women's status, and even the form of their militia warfare.
Medes, Scythians and Sagarthians are just the better-known clans of the Indo-European-speaking Aryans who settled in Kurdistan. By about 2,600 years ago, the Medes had already set up an empire that included all Kurdistan and vast territories far beyond. Medeans were followed by scores of other kingdoms and city-statesQall dominated by Aryan aristocracies and a populace that was becoming Indo-European, Kurdish speakers if not so already.
By the advent of the classical era in 300 BC. Kurds were already experiencing massive population movements that resulted in settlement and domination of many neighboring regions. Important Kurdish polities of this time were all by-products of these movements. The Zelan Kurdish clan of Commagene (Adyaman area), for example, spread to establish in addition to the Zelanid dynasty of Commagene, the Zelanid kingdom of Cappadocia and the Zelanid empire of PontusQall in Anatolia. These became Roman vassals by the end of the first century BC. In the east the Kurdish kingdoms of Gordyene, Cortea, Media, Kirm, and Adiabene had, by the first century B C, become confederate members of the Parthian Federation.
While all larger Kurdish Kingdoms of the west gradually lost their existence to the Romans, in the east they survived into the 3rd century A D and the advent of the Sasanian Persian empire. The last major Kurdish dynasty, the Kayosids, fell in AD 380. Smaller Kurdish principalities (called the Kotyar, "mountain administrators") however, preserved their autonomous existence into the 7th century and the coming of Islam.
Several socio-economic revolutions in the garb of religious movements emerged in Kurdistan at this time, many due to the exploitation by central governments, some due to natural disasters. These continued as underground movement into the Islamic era, bursting forth periodically to demand social reforms. The Mazdakite and Khurramite movements are best-known among these.
The eclipse of the Sasanian and Byzantine power by the Muslim caliphate, and its own subsequent weakening, permitted the Kurdish principalities and "mountain administrators" to set up new, independent states. The Shaddadids of the Caucasus and Armenia, the Rawadids of Azerbaijan, the Marwandis of eastern Anatolia; the Hasanwayhids, Fadhilwayhids, and Ayyarids of the central Zagros and the Shabankara of Fars and Kirman are some of the medieval Kurdish dynasties.
The Ayyubids stand out from these by the vastness of their domain. From their capital at Cairo they ruled territories of eastern Libya, Egypt, Yemen, western Arabia, Syria, the Holy Lands, Armenia and much of Kurdistan. As the custodians of Islam's holy cities of Mecca, Medina and Jerusalem, the Ayyubids were instrumental in the defeat and expulsion of the Crusaders from the Holy Land.
With the 12th and 13th centuries the Turkic nomads arrived in the area who in time politically dominated vast segments of the Middle East. Most independent Kurdish states succumbed to various Turkic kingdoms and empires. Kurdish principalities, however, survived and continued with their autonomous existence until the 17th century. Intermittently, these would rule independently when local empires weakened or collapsed.
The advent of the Safavid and Ottoman empires in the area and their division of Kurdistan into two uneven imperial dependencies was on a par with the practice of the preceding few centuries. Their introduction of artillery and scorched-earth policy into Kurdistan was a new, and devastating development.
In the course of the 16th to 18th centuries, vast portions of Kurdistan were systematically devastated and large numbers of Kurds were deported to far corners of the Safavid and Ottoman empires. The magnitude of death and destruction wrought on Kurdistan unified its people in their call to rid the land of these foreign vandals. The lasting mutual suffering awakened in Kurds a community feeling a nationalism, that called for a unified Kurdish state and fostering of Kurdish culture and language. Thus the historian Sharaf al-Din Bitlisi wrote the first pan-Kurdish history the Sharafnama in 1597, as Ahmad Khani composed the national epic of Mem-o-Zin in 1695, which called for a Kurdish state to fend for its people. Kurdish nationalism was born.
For one last time a large Kurdish kingdom-the Zand, wa s born in 1750. Like the medieval Ayyubids, however, the Zands set up their capital and kingdom outside Kurdistan, and pursued no policies aimed at unification of the Kurdish nation. By 1867, the very last autonomous Kurdish principalities were being systematically eradicated by the Ottoman and Persian governments that ruled Kurdistan. They now ruled directly, via governors, all Kurdish provinces. The situation further deteriorated after the end of the WWI and dissolution of the Ottoman Empire.
The Treaty of Sevres (signed August 10, 1921) anticipated an independent Kurdish state to cover large portions of the former Ottoman Kurdistan. Unimpressed by the Kurds' many bloody uprisings for independence, France and Britain divided up Ottoman Kurdistan between Turkey, Syria and Iraq. The Treaty of Lausanne (signed June 24, 1923) formalized this division. Kurds of Persia/Iran, meanwhile, were kept where they were by Teheran.
Drawing of well-guarded state boundaries dividing Kurdistan has, since 1921, afflicted Kurdish society with such a degree of fragmentation, that its impact is tearing apart the Kurds' unity as a nation. The 1920s saw the setting up of Kurdish Autonomous Province (the "Red Kurdistan") in Soviet Azerbaijan. It was disbanded in 1929. In 1945, Kurds set up a Kurdish republic at Mahabad in the Soviet, occupied zone in Iran. It lasted one year, until it was reoccupied by the Iranian army.
Since 1970s, the Iraqi Kurds have enjoyed an official autonomous status in a portion of that state's Kurdistan. By the end of 1991, they had become all but independent from Iraq. By 1995, however, the Kurdish government in Arbil was at the verge of political suicide due to the outbreak of factional fighting between various Kurdish warlords.
Since 1987 the Kurds in Turkey by themselves constituting a majority of all Kurds in Turkey have waged a war of national liberation against Ankara's 70 years of heavy handed suppression of any vestige of the Kurdish identity and its rich and ancient culture. The massive uprising had by 1995 propelled Turkey into a state of civil war. The burgeoning and youthful Kurdish population in Turkey, is now demanding absolute equality with the Turkish component in that state, and failing that, full independence.
In the Caucasus, the fledgling Armenian Republic, in the course of 1992-94 wiped out the entire Kurdish community of the former "Red Kurdistan." Having ethnically "cleansed" it, Armenia has effectively annexed Red Kurdistan's territory that forms the land bridge between the Armenian enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia proper.
Geopolitics
Since the end of World War I, Kurdistan has been administered by five sovereign states, with the largest portions of the land being respectively in Turkey (43%) , Iran (31%), Iraq (18%), Syria (6%) and the former Soviet Union (2%). The Iranian Kurds have lived under that state's jurisdiction since 1514 and the Battle of Chaldiran. The other three quarters of the Kurds lived in the Ottoman Empire from that date until its break-up following WWI. The French Mandate Syria received a piece, and the British incorporated central Kurdistan or the Mosul Vilayet" and its oil fields at Kirkuk into their recently created Mandate of Iraq. Northern and western Kurdistan were to be given choice of independence by the Treaty of Sevres(August 10, 1920) which dismantled the defunct Ottoman Empire, but instead they were awarded to the newly established Republic of Turkey under the term of the Treaty of Lausanne (June 24, 1923). The Russian/Soviet Kurds had passed into their sphere in the course of the 19th century when territories were ceded by Persia/Iran.
The Kurds remained the only ethnic group in the world with indigenous representatives in three world geopolitical blocs: the Arab World (in Iraq and Syria), NATO (in Turkey), the South Asian-Central Asian bloc (in Iran and Turkmenistan), and until recently the Soviet bloc (in the Caucasus, now Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia). As a matter fact, until the end of the Cold War, Kurds along with the Germans were the only people in the world with their home territories used as a front line of fire by both NATO and the Warsaw Pact forces.
Society
The most important single features of Kurdistan society since the end of medieval times has been its strong tribal organization, with independence or autonomy being the political status of the land. The society's process of developing the next stage of societal convergence-and the creation of a political culture of interest in a pan-Kurdish polity-was well under way in Kurdistan when it was decisively aborted with the parcelling out of the country at the end of the First World War. Tribal confederacies thus remain the highest form of social organization, while the political process and the elite remain to large degree tribal. Today, in the absence of a national Kurdish state and government, tribes serve as the highest native source of authority in which people place their allegiance
Population
Kurdish lands, rich in natural resources, have always sustained and promoted a large population. While registering modest gains since the late 19th century, but particularly in the first decade of the 20th, Kurds vlost demographic ground relative to neighboring ethnic groups. This was due as much to their less developed economy and health care system as it was to direct massacres, deportations, famines, etc. The total number of Kurds actually decreased in this period, while every other major ethnic group in the area boomed. Since the middle of the 1960s this negative demographic trend has reversed, and Kurds are steadily regaining the demographic position of importance that they traditionally held, representing 15% of the over-all population of the Middle East in Asia-a phenomenon common since at least the 4th millennium BC.
Today Kurds are the fourth largest ethnic group in the Middle East, after the Arabs, Persians and Turks. Their largest concentrations are now respectively in Turkey (approx. 52% of all Kurds), Iran(25.5%), Iraq (16%), Syria (5%) and the CIS (1.5%). Barring a catastrophe, Kurds will become the third most populous ethnic group in the Middle East by the year 2000, displacing the Turks. Furthermore, if present demographic trends hold, as they are likely to, in about fifty years Kurds will also replace the Turks as the majority ethnic group in Turkey itself.
There is now one Kurdish city with a population of nearly a million (Kirminshah) , two with over half a million (Diyarbekir, Kirkuk), five between a quarter and half a million (Antep, Arbil, Hamadan, Malatya, Sulaymania), and quarter of a million people (Adiyaman, Dersim[Tunceli], Dohuk, Elazig[Kharput], Haymana, Khanaqin, Mardin Qamishli, Qochan, Sanandaj, Shahabad, Siirt and Urfa). (Text and pictures from BAHRI OZTURK



http://www.selenasol.com/selena/struggle/kurds.html

THE ENDURING RELEVANCE OF SARDAR PATEL

THE ENDURING RELEVANCE OF SARDAR
VALLABHBHAI PATEL

NANI A. PALKHIVALA

            I FEEL PRIVILEGED and hon onred to be asked to deliver the Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel Memorial Lecture this year. The series started in 1955, and eminent men have spoken in the past decades on various matters of vital importance and significance.

            Looking to the state of our democ racy today, I thought no topic would be of greater importance than the endur ing relevance of Sardar Patel. More than ever before, we need to recall what he stood for and tirelessly strove to create. “My life is my message.” said Mahatma Gandhi, and Sardar Patel could have said the same.

            To question the enduring rele vance of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel to India today is like questioning the rele vance of the sun to the solar system. You cannot conceive of a solar system without the sun, and you cannot con ceive of modern India without Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel.

            In recent world history, two events have thrown up a striking galaxy of talent. The first was when the thir teen colonies in America were fighting for their independence. From 1776 to 1783 the United States of America (as it came to be known later) produced an extraordinary cluster of outstanding men who were the founders of the great republic. In the twenty-five years between 1922 and 1947. India had a comparable galaxy of talent – no inferior to that which America produced and our leaders combined talent with sterling character. Undoubtedly Sardar Patel was in the top rank.

            Sardar Patel was one of the founders of our Constitution. Luckily the Constitution was drafted by the Constituent Assembly which was not elected on the basis of adult franchise. First-rate minds were hand-picked from all parts of India–for their knowledge, vision and dedication. After three years of laborious and painful toil, they completed the drafting of the Constitu tion which a former Chief Justice rightly described as “sublime”. It was the longest Constitution in the world, till the new Constitution of Yugoslavia came into force a few years before the dismemberment of that ill-starred country.

            Consider the sharp contrast be tween India in 1947 and the British Colonies in America after their success ful war of independence. They started with every conceivable disadvantage. They were just a loose alliance of thir teen sovereign states bound only by articles of confederation. The thirteen Colonies had no unified nationality, no head of state, no central government, no central judiciary, no national cur rency, no common system of taxation. In the summer of 1787, the delegates in Philadelphia drafted a document only seven Articles long, which, with its twenty-seven amendments, has lasted more than two centuries and continues to be the fundamental laws of the world’s most powerful democracy.

            The story of Sardar Patel’s life is easily told. The traditional date of his birth is 31st October 1875. But really speaking, nobody knows the exact day on which he was born. The traditional date is what he gave for his matricula tion examination and he never changed it -  rather typical of the constancy which characterized his mental make-up.


            Sardar Patel was born to parents who were deeply religious. It is remark able how frequently the children of deeply religious parents fare well in life. Vallabhbhai himself became the archi tect of modern India, while his brother, Vithalbhai, was the first Speaker of the Central Legislature. Vallabhbhai was a very affectionate man, though there were not many occasions when he displayed his affectionate nature. He has a very fine sense of humour. Mahatma Gandhi was gone on record to say that during the sixteen months when he was in jail, he was kept in peals of laughter by Vallabhbhai who was a co-inmate.

            Vallabhbhai never courted pub licity. He never projected himself any where but quietly did his work. He was a true Karmayogi. After he became a widower at the age of thirty-three, the only love in his life was his motherland to which he was passionately devoted.

            He has three great ambitions. First of all, he wanted to consolidate India. In the five thousand years of its history, India was never united it had always been a group of different states. Vallabhbhai wanted to bring into exis tence a united, homogeneous India when it become a republic in 1950.

            The Times (of London) said that Vallabhbhai’s achievement of the inte gration of the Indian States would rank with that of Bismarck and probably higher. The Manchester Guardian rightly said:

            “Without Patel, Gandhiji’s idea would have had less practical influence and Nehru’s idealism less scope. Patel was not only the organiser of the fight for freedom but also the architect of the new State when the fight was over. The same man is seldom successful as rebel and statesman. Sardar Patel was the exception.”

            While launching the PEPSU Union at Patiala, Sardar Patel said:

            “This is the first time in history, after centuries that India can call itself an integrated whole in the real sense of the term ... We must work with unity. If we falter or fail, we shall consign our selves to eternal shame and disgrace.

            His second ambition was to en sure the survival of a united country through the instrument of a strong civil service. He conceived of the Indian Administrative Service (IAS) in place of the Indian Civil Service (ICS); and it was he who also conceived of the Indian Police Service (IPS). Both these services are very much extant today and have enabled India to survive as a democratic state, while the fortunes of political parties keep changing.

            His third ambition was to make India economically strong, prosperous and progressive. This ambition was not fulfilled. After the death of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel on 15th December 1950, the Government consciously dis carded the economic policies of the Sardar and adopted a sterile form of socialism which was the bane of India till the present Government started its new policy of liberalization.

            The nation has not realized the greatness of Vallabhbhai as it should have done. If Vallabhbhai had not lived. India would not be what it is today. He aimed at integration in two ways – not only territorial integration, but the in tegration of the different communities by developing a sense of national iden tity. There were 554 Indian States which comprised two-thirds of India, while only one-third was British India. He brought all of them together, while continuing to remain on terms of mutual affection and respect with the former Rulers. When the Russian leader Khrushchev visited India in 1956, he expressed his surprise that India had managed to liquidate the Princely States without liquidating the Princes.

            Sardar Patel was also the Chair man of the Minorities Sub-Committee of the Constituent Assembly. He sought to forge communal integration. He made different communities give up their claim for separate electorates.Even the spokesman of the Parsis had in mind a separate electorate. But Val labhbhai merely smiled at the ridicu lous idea and the matter was, not dis cussed again. The Parsis were a micro scopic minority, but the Muslims, the Sikhs and the Christians were in substantial numbers. Even in those days the Sikhs demanded Khalistan. Sardar Patel dealt with the problem with great understanding. He went to the heart of the Sikh hinterland. He talked to the Sikhs in Amritsar and impressed upon them how we all have to live together as brothers and sisters. The passionate plea of Sardar Patel worked. In a powerful speech he made at Patiala in October 1947 he said that we should not involve ourselves in end less disputes and that we could not afford to follow the mirage of “stans” like Khalistan, Sikhistan or Jatistan. He pointed out that such separatism could only turn India into “Pagalis tan”, a land of lunatics.

            He was a true leader, in the sense that he did not flatter the people but plainly told them where they were wrong. In August 1947 he said again in ringing words how and why India could not be divided. India, he said, is one and indivisible. You cannot divide the sea or split the running waters of a river. He said this not merely to the Muslims and the Sikhs but also to the Hindus when the RSS made a strong plea that India should become a Hindu state. His words were:

            “We in the Government have been dealing with the RSS movement. They want that Hindu Rajya or Hindu culture should be imposed by force. No Government can tolerate this.”

            Valabhbhai was not against any body except the fanatic. If you were a fanatic he was against you, whether you were a Hindu or a Muslim or a Sikh. It is wrong to portray him as being anti-Muslim. Vallabhbhai, as the Home Minister, had the courage to ban the RSS. That conclusively shows how totally secular and non-communal Sardar Patel was in his approach. He told the Hindu Mahasabha:

            “If you think that you are the only custodians of Hinduism, you are mis taken. Hinduism preaches a broader outlook on life. There is much more of tolerance in Hinduism than is sup posed.”

            In his speech in January 1948 at Calcutta, Sardar Patel warned the country that there could never be any serious talk of a Hindu state. India had elected to be a secular state. He sol emnly declared:

            “If the Government could not act as trustee for the entire population ir respective of caste, religion or creed, it does not deserve to continue for a single day.”

            In 1947 when people were jubi lant that we attained swaraj, there were two persons who struck a note of dis sent – Mahatma Gandhi and Sardar Patel. The response of Sardar Patel to independence gained in 1947 was memorable:

            “What we have is not swaraj, but only freedom from foreign rule. The people have still to win internal swaraj, abolish distinctions of caste or creed, banish untouchability, improve the lot of the hungry masses, and live as one joint family – in short to create a new way of life and bring about a change of heart and a change of outlook.”

            To Sardar Patel, the unity and integrity of India was of paramount importance. He shared the view of the Indian thinker who, when he was told that the British divide and rule, gave the profound response. “No, it is not the British who divide and rule. It is we who divide and they rule.” That is why he was against the creation of lin guistic States. In December 1949, the Working Committee of the Congress directed that a separate Andhra State should be created forthwith. In spite of this directive, Sardar Patel took no ac tion. On the contrary, he criticized openly this directive of his own party. At a public meeting in Trivandrum in May 1950 he said:

            “Some people say they want provinces on a linguistic basis like Andhra, Tamil and Kerala. What will be its effect in the North or in the West nobody cares to consider. We should cease to think in terms of different states or provinces. Instead we should think that we are Indians and should develop a sense of unity.”

            While the unification and inte gration of India was his greatest achievement, only next in importance was his creation of a strong and independent civil service. He trusted and respected the officers and gained their affection and deep regard. This put the civil servants on their honour to work for him to the limit of their capacity and never, as far as humanly possible, to let him down. H.V.R. Iyengar in his “Administration in India - A Historical Review” relates one typical incident:

            “On one occasion. I took a decision in his absence and reported it to him afterwards. He told me that if he had been consulted he would not have taken that decision. I was very un happy about this, but he asked me not to worry and said that every human being makes mistakes. When the mat ter subsequently came before the Cabi net he told them that the decision was his, and there the matter ended.”

            In Sardar Patel’s words, “The most dangerous thing in a democracy is to interfere with the Services. “If today the police force is wholly demor alized in most States, it is entirely due to the political interference by ministers and other politicians in the discharge by the police of their professional duties.

            The greatest tragedy of India has been that Sardar Patel’s economic poli cies were not implemented. His realism and pragmatism in economic matters were foolishly ignored after his death, as I have said earlier.

            Sardar Patel never posed as a socialist. He had no property of his own, except his personal belongings. Once an ardent socialist approached him with an appeal to abolish inequal ity of wealth and cited as an instance that X was master of several millions. The Sardar let him expatiate on the dis tribution of surplus wealth. When he had finished, Sardar Patel coolly looked at him and said:         

            “I know the extent of X’s wealth. If all of it were distributed equally among the people of India, your share would be about four annas and three pies. I am willing to give it to you from my own pocket if you undertake to talk no more about this.”

            He wanted to purge capitalism of its ugly face. But he realized that wealth has to be created first, before it can be distributed.

            So long as Sardar Patel was alive, there was no nationalization. He said:

            “Some people want us to nation alize an industry. How are we to run nationalized industries if we cannot run our ordinary administration? It is easy to take over any industry we want to, but we do not have the resources to run them, enough experienced men, men of expertise and integrity.”

            Sardar Patel started the Indian National Trade Union Congress (INTUC) because he wanted a fair deal to be given to labour. But he was not in the popularity contest and he had no patience with people who were. He was against the mindless calls for strikes made by trade union leaders who lived in a thought-free zone. He said in Cal cutta in January 1948:

            “Regarding strikes, I feel that it is deplorable that they have been made so cheap. They are now props of lead ership of labour and have ceased to be a legitimate means of redressing griev ances of labour ... The maxim should be “produce and then distribute equitably”. Instead they fight before even producing wealth. It is to restore sanity and a fair deal between labour and em ployers and to give a correct lead to labour that we set up the Indian National Trade Union Congress.”

            To Sardar Patel, the plighted word was sacred: he never broke his word. He had a sense of honour and good faith which successive govern ments so sadly lacked. He never dreamt that the promise contained in Article 291 of the Constitution to give privy purses to the Princes would be broken later. The aggregate amount of privy purses guaranteed to the Rulers of different States came to an insignificant sum of less than Rupees Five Crores. Rulers died in normal course, and the privy purse was reduced when their successors were recognised as Rulers. Yet, the then Government abolished privy purses disregarding the constitutional mandate. Referring to the guarantee regarding pensions to the covenanted services, which was to be embodied in Article 314, Sardar Patel said in the Constituent Assembly on 10th October 1949:

            “Have you read history? Or, is it that you do not care for recent his tory after you have begun to make history? If you do that, then I tell you we have a dark future. Learn to stand upon your pledged word...Can you go behind these things? Have morals no place in the new Parliament? Is that how we are going to begin our new freedom? Do not take a lathi and say  “Who is to give you a guarantee? We are a Supreme Parliament.” Have you supremacy for this kind of thing? – To go behind your word? – If you do that, that supremacy will go down in a few days.”

            Like Article 291, Article 314 was also brazenly deleted after the Sardar’s death.

            In 1950, the last year of his life, Sardar Patel repeatedly expressed his total disillusionment with the debased standards of politicians and the mal functioning of Indian democracy. On 27th May 1950 at Porbandar (Gandhiji’s home town), in a mood of introspection, he said:

            “We have not digested Gandhiji’s teachings. We are merely imitating. We have adult franchise but do not know how to use it. If we continue to indulge in personal jealousies and power-hunt ing, we shall turn into poison what Gandhiji had got for us.

            “During the last three years we have worked in a manner which has brought us only shame. We have strayed from the right road and must get back to it and understand Gandhiji’s teachings and apply them in life.”

            The last Independence Day mes sage which Sardar Patel delivered was on 15th August 1950. His eloquent words deserve to be taught and read in every school and college. They come from the deep anguish in his heart, and require to be quoted in extenso:

            “Certain tendencies and develop ments in our administrative and public affairs fill me with some disquiet and sadness of heart. The country can realize the feelings of one who has spent the major part of his public life in witnessing epics of sacrifice and selfless endeavour and feats of discipline and unity and who now finds enacted before him scenes which mock at the past.

            “Our public life seems to be de generated into a fen of stagnant wa ters; our conscience is troubled with doubts and despair about the possibilities of improvement. We do not seem to be profiting either from history or experience. We appear helplessly to be watching the sickle of time taking away, the rich corn, leaving behind the bare and withered stalks.

            “Yet the tasks that confront us are as complex and taxing as ever. They demand the best in us while we face them with indifferent resources. We seem to devote too much time to things that hardly matter and too little to those that count. We talk, while the paramount need is that of action. We are critical of other people’s exertions, but lack the will to contribute our own. We are trying to overtake others by giant strides while we have hardly learnt to walk...

            “On this, the third milestone of our career as a free country. I hope my countrymen will forgive me, if I have tried to turn their searchlight inwards. In my life, I have now reached a stage when time is of the essence. Age has not diminished the passion which I bear to see my country great and to ensure that the foundations of our freedom are well and securely laid. Bodily infirmity has not dimmed my ardour to exert my utmost for the peace, prosperity and advancement of the Motherland. But ‘the bird of time has a little way to fly, and lo! it is on the wing’.

            “With all the sincerity and ear nestness at my command and claiming the privilege of age, I, therefore, appeal to my fellow countrymen on this solemn and auspicious day to reflect on what they see in and around themselves and with the strength and faith that comes from self-introspection, sustain the hope and confidence which an old servant of theirs still has in the future of our country.”

            He had the strength to speak out bluntly and fearlessly, to his own party. At the Nasik session of the Congress on 19th September 1950, he said:

            “The goal of Purna Swaraj must claim our constant attention. The ques tion which every Congressman must ask himself, or herself, is whether we have met this claim or demand. If we are honest with ourselves and true to our conscience, I am afraid, the reply must be in the negative. The greatest danger to the Congress comes from within rather than without.”

            Our greatest tragedy is that the lessons taught by this outstanding Indian patriot and statesman who unquestionably ranks in the world class, are so little remembered today.

            Winston Churchill said that one of the marks of true greatness is the impact which a man makes on his con temporaries. By this test, Sardar Patel must be regarded as one of the greatest Indians of this century.

            “Jawaharlal is a thinker and Sardar is a doer,” said Gandhiji at the Karachi session of the Congress in 1931. The Sardar was also a thinker but not an impractical visionary.

            Lord Wavell wrote in his diary that Sardar Patel “is certainly the most impressive of the Congress leaders and has the best balance.” The Sardar shared Wavell’s belief that India can be governed firmly or not at all.

            President Rajendra Prasad wrote in May 1959:

            “That there is today an India to think and talk about, is very largely due to Sardar Patel’s statesmanship and firm administration ... Yet we are apt to ignore him.”

            The India of today is certainly not the India of Sardar Patel’s dreams. After five and forty years of independence, the picture that emerges is that of a nation potentially great but in a state of moral decay. We suffer from a fatty degeneration of conscience and an unchecked dissolution of values. We have no sense of shame or shock that under a first-class Constitution we run a third-class democracy. The country with the noblest cultural heritage has become the most criminalized and the most violent democracy on earth.

            What a transformation could be effected if we relearn the values which Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel stood for! The environment will change beyond recognition when we install dharma on the throne again. The country is crying aloud for moral leadership, fearless and forthright, which will tell the people - as Sardar Patel did - what does not flatter them and what they do not want to hear.

            Just as we celebrate 15th August as the Day of Independence, we should celebrate the anniversary of Sardar Patel’s birth - 31st October - as the Day of Inter-dependence: the dependence of the 26 States upon one another, the dependence of the numerous castes upon one another, the dependence of our manifold communities upon one another, in the sure knowledge that we are one nation. A regenerated India, freed from petty squabbles, violence and communal bitterness - and cured of the cancer of divisiveness - would be the greatest monument to the Sardar’s memory.

* This is the text of the Patel Memorial Lecture delivered in 1992 by Sri Nani Palkhivala, the renowned jurist, expert in finance and for merly Ambassador to U.S.